Israel rarely prosecutes abusive troops

Israel rarely prosecutes soldiers accused of abusing Palestinians, military data indicate. According to statistics obtained by the Yesh Din human rights group and released to the media Tuesday, since the outbreak of violence in the West Bank and Gaza Strip in September 2001, approximately 1,100 military police investigations have been conducted against Israeli troops suspected of unlawfully harming Palestinian civilians or their property. Those probes produced only 118 indictments and a handful of convictions, Yesh Din said, adding that the figures suggested an atmosphere of impunity in the Israeli armed forces when it comes to abuse of innocent Palestinians. Israel says its military abides by high ethical standards, but a study commissioned recently by the top brass found widespread accounts of harassment of Palestinians by soldiers at checkpoints -- a yardstick of abuse. The chief of Israeli forces in the West Bank, Maj.-Gen. Gadi Shamni, has ordered troops to undergo workshops on the need to treat the Palestinian public humanely despite the ongoing risk of terrorist infiltrations.

O little town of Bethlehem

{mosimage}

O little town of Bethlehem,

How still we see thee lie.

Except for tanks and M 16s and soldiers glaring eye.

And in thy rough streets shouting,

" the curfew's on it's clear".

The hopes and fears of many cry,

"Please don't forget we're here".

Continued Violence, Settlements, Mar Peace Prospects

As the Palestinian leadership headed by Prime Minister Salam Fayyad prepare for Monday’s donor conference in Paris, the Palestinians on the ground are reeling from the continuing violence that is wracking the West Bank and Gaza.

On Friday, four people were killed, reportedly by a hand grenade thrown into a crowd of mourners during the funeral procession of Khalil Masariyi in Gaza City. Another 34 people were wounded in the incident. The leadership, Fateh in particular, is pointing the finger at Hamas, claiming its armed members carried out the attack. Deposed Hamas Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh begged to differ, angrily accusing Fateh, saying the bloody attack was part of its conspiracy to destabilize Hamas and spread chaos.

Masariyi was killed the day before in an Israeli army attack in the city. His was by far not the only death this week, however, caused by Israeli attacks in the Gaza and the West Bank. On December 13, three people were killed in Gaza City, when an Israeli air missile struck a taxi cab, apparently targeting an Al Quds Brigades member, the military wing of the Islamic Jihad. With him, one other passenger and the cabdriver were also killed.

On December 12, another Al Quds Brigades activist was shot and killed while firing a rocket at the Kissofim military base on the Israeli-Gazan border while a day earlier on the 12th six Al Quds Brigades activists were killed in an early morning Israeli incursion into the Strip. Six others were wounded in the raid, including an Associated Press journalist.

On December 7, a farmer from Khan Younis was shot and killed on his way to his land, which is located along the border strip between Gaza and Israel. The Israeli army shot at the man, believing he was in the area to execute an operation against Israeli targets.

The recent Palestinian deaths along with Israel’s unfettered plans to continue settlement expansions in the West Bank have put a damper on recently launched final status talks and on the upcoming donor country meeting in Paris on December 17.

With the ink barely dry on the Israeli pledge in Annapolis to halt settlement expansion, Israel this week approved the construction of over 300 new housing units in the east Jerusalem settlement of Har Homa, known as Jabal Abu Ghneim to the Palestinians. The announcement, which raised the discontent of the United States and the ire of the Palestinians, was made just days before the first final status talks were launched in Jerusalem on December 12.

Israel maintains that Har Homa falls within the Jerusalem municipality borders – borders which were unilaterally demarcated by Israel after its illegal annexation of the city in 1967, and thus does not apply to pledges made in Annapolis, which refer to West Bank settlement expansion.

Israel seems to be exploiting this semantic ambiguity to the max, announcing in December 14 that it was reviving a previous plan to build Road 45. This road, which cuts through east Jerusalem neighborhoods such as Abu Dis and Walaja, is ostensibly to create a road that would connect Ramallah to Bethlehem by completely bypassing Jerusalem.

The Palestinians, however, say the plan is just one more Israeli scheme to grab more Palestinian land around Jerusalem. Palestinians say the road, if constructed, would require the confiscation of thousands of dunams of land from Palestinian neighborhoods in Jerusalem such as Sur Baher, Jabal Al Mukabber and Ras Al Amoud, in addition to the demolition of several homes along its path.

Israel also leaked a plan to build 7,000 new housing units in the Ein Yayal area near Walaja, east of Jerusalem.

Furthermore, the Israeli settlement movement is on the move, attempting to establish as many outposts as possible in the wake of a possible peace agreement between the Palestinians and Israel. On December 9, settlers established eight new settlement outposts in the West Bank, namely between Jerusalem and the Maaleh Adumim settlement, the Hebron-area town of Halhoul and in Nablus. Although Israeli border police and army soldiers prevented the settlers from bringing in heavy equipment and mobile homes to the area, there were no major skirmishes between the two, with the settlers vowing to sleep on the grounds if necessary.

It was this point, among several others, the Palestinians raised with their Israeli counterparts during the first final status meeting since Annapolis on December 12. The two sides met in Jerusalem for 90 minutes and emerged from the meeting virtually empty-handed. The Palestinians showed their dissatisfaction with Israel’s recent settlement moves and also called on Israel to halt its repeated incursions into Gaza, lift the siege on the occupied territories and halt attacks and assassinations. The Palestinian delegation, headed by Ahmad Qurei’ called on Israel to rescind its decision to expand the Har Homa settlement in compliance with its roadmap obligations.

Israel also voiced its grievances, citing the security situation as its number one concern. The delegation charged the Palestinian leadership with being unable to take control of security in the West Bank or Gaza, saying the rockets launched from the Strip are continuously increasing.

Hence, it is no surprise that one unnamed Israeli source was quoted in the Israeli press as calling the first final status negotiations meeting a “failure.” The teams are scheduled to go to round two after the Eid Al Adha and Christmas holidays.

While the political track has not yet shown much promise, at least Palestinians are feeling somewhat optimistic about the upcoming meeting of donor countries in Paris. The meeting, which will be attended by some 90 countries and international agencies, is expected to announce $5.6 billion in aid to the Palestinians over the next three years. According to a French source, 80 percent of the money has already been guaranteed. In addition, the Palestinians received an additional perk when French Presidential spokesperson David Martinon said France would refer to the Palestinian territories hereafter as the Palestinian state. “We wanted to rename this conference by changing the term of Palestinian Territories into Palestinian state to take into account the progress in the Annapolis Conference," Martinon said.

Prime Minister Fayyad and the Palestinian delegation arrive today in France in preparation for Monday’s meeting, which is being perceived as a major jumpstart to economic development in the Palestinian territories. Fayyad is expected to outline what is called the “Palestinian Reform and Development Plan”, which will address not only economic by security and political issues.

The World Bank will be pleased to hear this, especially after its report released this week on the situation in which it warned that donor aid alone will not be enough to revive the Palestinian economy if Israel continues with is restrictions on trade and transportation in the West Bank and Gaza.

The International Committee of the Red Cross had a similar message on December 12, saying Israeli restrictions had caused a humanitarian crisis in the West Bank and Gaza, which is only growing worse. It called on Israel to halt its “retaliatory measures”, which are paralyzing life in Gaza, while also urging the Palestinians to halt their rocket attacks against Israeli civilian areas.

Quartet Committee envoy Tony Blair is also putting efforts towards pushing the peace process forward, especially on the economic track. On December 13, he, President Abbas and Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert met in Jerusalem to discuss mechanisms for implementing economic projects including industrial zones in Jericho and Tarqumiya, a sewage system project in Gaza along with several other projects.

On December 12, speaking at Bethlehem’s Intercontinental Hotel, Blair said Israeli settlements were not conducive to the peace process. Earlier in the week, he also said during a radio interview that a visit to Gaza was in his future plans, stressing that Gaza and the West Bank must be one unit, not two.

 

Source: MIFTAH

For Sale: Al Nakba Calendar 2008

{mosimage} The 40/60 committee has created this beautiful commemorative calendar to honor both Palestinian poets and the ancient Palestinian olive trees in this the 60th year of the Palestinian Nakba, celebrating the richness of Palestinian cultural and natural heritage.

Purchase of one of these calendars will help support education and commemorative events of the 60th anniverary of the Nakba to be hosted throughout 2008.

Click here to read more about the calendar and make a purchase. 

An Interview with Ahmed Tibi - I don't Trust this Government


By Bitterlemons (bitterlemons.org )

December 17, 2007

bitterlemons: How do you assess the prospects for an Israeli-Palestinian peace process following the Annapolis summit?

Tibi: Nothing surprising has occurred. From the very beginning we knew we are only initiating final status negotiations thanks to international involvement. This is not much more than a step in the right direction. There were no negotiations in Annapolis and that's why I believe it was a non-event. Things in the Middle East are relative and that's why some Palestinian leaders look positively on the agreement to initiate final status negotiations, but on the ground the Palestinians' hard life, suffering and humiliation has not been relieved.

That the international community is accompanying this process is also a positive thing. But the withdrawal of the Israeli government from Olmert's original intent to talk seriously about core issues such as Jerusalem, refugees, borders and settlements is a negative development that reflects coalition considerations.

bitterlemons: From 1993 to 1999 you were an adviser to Yasser Arafat. Can you compare then and now in terms of the possibility of an Israeli-Palestinian peace process?

Tibi: I took part in the Madrid conference and was a spokesman for the Palestinian delegation at Wye River. There and at Camp David we had negotiations; here we have a startup. So I'm not optimistic that we'll settle the final status issues by the end of 2008. If [Prime Minister Ehud] Olmert can't convince his defense minister, Ehud Barak, to remove roadblocks, I'm not sure he'll be able to convince his coalition to go forward on the core issues.

As for the comparison between Arafat and Abu Mazen [Mahmoud Abbas], no two people are alike. Arafat was a symbol and was charismatic; Abu Mazen is chairman of the PLO and president of the PA, he is authorized to negotiate and is capable. If the vision of two states collapses, the international community will press for a bi-national state.

bitterlemons: In Arafat's day the Palestinian citizens of Israel were perceived as a bridge to peace between Israel and the Palestinians. Have they now become part of the problem rather than part of the solution?

Tibi: Nobody is dealing with us as a bridge today. The statements of Deputy PM [Avigdor] Lieberman and Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni, talking about the Palestinian state as the national solution for the Palestinian citizens of Israel, are creating a problem. They place question marks over the policy of this government toward the Arab minority in Israel. Those ministers behave toward us as non-citizens who can be moved about like chess pieces. We can't accept that. We want our national identity in parallel to our citizenship, to give it real content. Meanwhile Livni is willing to tell Arab citizens, you can move if you wish to an independent Palestinian state. This is not the way a government should deal with its citizens. We are not immigrants to this county, Lieberman is. We are indigenous.

bitterlemons: The position papers and draft constitutions published during the past year by mainstream groups of Palestinian citizens of Israel, rejecting Israel's identity as a Jewish state, are cited as having contributed to attitudes like that expressed by Livni.

Tibi: I'm not sure this was the trigger for her position. Livni comes from the Likud; she's originally a rightist. I'm not sure her ideology changed on the way from the Likud to Kadima. There is no trust between the Jewish majority and the Arab minority in Israel. Arabs are being treated as enemies, not as core citizens. They are marginalized. The definition of Israel as a Jewish state is perceived as deepening discrimination against non-Jews. Both the majority and minority in Israel have a responsibility to repair relations, but the majority has more tools to do this. Instead we are neglected and pushed away. Look what is going on in the Knesset with anti-Arab legislation.

bitterlemons: For Olmert to succeed in a peace process, he may need the support of some or all of the 10 members of Knesset who represent Arab parties. Would you join his coalition if the issue ever came up?

Tibi: No, we don't support any coalition. We support a positive peace process. Here we mean my Knesset faction with its four mandates, but also in general the majority of the 10 members of Knesset. If there is any move toward withdrawal from occupied territories or a genuine peace process, we will not be an obstacle. I won't let Lieberman bring down the coalition. If my vote becomes the deciding one, I will support a peace process.

bitterlemons: But suppose you were invited to join or officially support the coalition.

Tibi: The constellation is possible, yet I don't trust this government as willing to go forward.

bitterlemons: Are the Arab members of Knesset trying to mediate in the dispute between Fateh and Hamas?

Tibi: We tried to do so two months ago. We met with Abu Mazen and tried to meet with Hamas in Gaza but were forbidden to enter the Gaza Strip by the [Israel] Defense Ministry. The [Hamas-Fateh] split is causing real damage to the Palestinian cause. I cannot accept the situation created by the military coup in Gaza. We should return to the status quo ante.- Published 10/12/2007 (c) bitterlemons.org

Ahmed Tibi is deputy speaker of the Knesset and a leader of the Arab Movement for Change. He has been a member of Knesset since 1999.

 

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