Israeli provocation on Lebanese border could trigger new war

Border clashes between Israeli and Lebanese troops have left three Lebanese soldiers and a journalist dead. Lebanon’s Hezbollah TV, Al Manar, reports one high-ranking Israeli officer has been killed but this has not been confirmed by the Lebanese army or UN troops stationed in southern Lebanon.

As the photo above makes clear, this was a blatant act of provocation by Israeli forces — no one accidentally strayed over the border. This is more like kids tossing matches to find out whether a brush fire will start.

Tony Karon writes:

Should a new war break out, Israel is determined to strike a more devastating blow more quickly than it did during the last conflict, in which it failed in its objective of destroying Hizballah. It has publicly warned that it would destroy Lebanese civilian infrastructure, and that Syria, as Hizballah’s armorer, would not be off-limits. But Hizballah believes its capacity to fire missiles into Tel Aviv is key to restraining Israel from returning to finish off the Shi’ite militia. And, of course, amid regional tensions over Iran’s nuclear program, members of the self-styled “axis of resistance” — Iran, Syria, Hamas and Hizballah — have deepened their alliance, raising the possibility of any one of those groups joining the fray should any of the others come under attack from Israel or the U.S.

Although all of the main players have good reason to avoid initiating another war right now, the Crisis Group warns that “tensions are mounting with no obvious safety valve.” At some point, Hizballah’s growing deterrent could cross Israel’s red line. And the Western diplomatic boycott of the resistance camp is cause for alarm because there are no effective channels through which the various antagonists can be made to understand how their actions could produce unintended consequences — in the tragic tradition of Middle Eastern wars that erupted in part because the adversaries failed to understand one another’s intentions. Indeed, after proclaiming his movement’s “divine victory” in standing up to Israel’s 2006 offensive, a feat that made him a hero on the streets of the Arab world, Hizballah leader Sheik Hassan Nasrallah did admit that had he known Israel would respond with a full-blown invasion, he would have avoided the provocation of snatching the Israeli troops that started the showdown.

The danger posed by the lack of communication channels between the resistance camp and the Israelis explains why British Prime Minister David Cameron, a recent guest at the White House, last week went to Ankara to urge Turkey to maintain its ties with Israel and use its ties to the likes of Syria to facilitate communication that could mitigate an outbreak. Turkey has been pilloried in some quarters in the West — and certainly in Israel — for its diplomatic rapprochement with the likes of Syria, Iran and Hamas, but Cameron’s appeal was a tacit admission that the continuing Bush-era policy of refusing to engage with the region’s designated “radicals” has sharply diminished the ability of the U.S. and the European Union to influence events in the Middle East. Peace talks between Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas and the Israelis are all very well, but Abbas is not at war with Israel, nor would he be even if a new round of fighting broke out in Gaza.

While it is widely assumed that Hezbollah would have a critical role to play in the event that Israel launches or instigates an attack on Iran, it likewise follows that the IDF will be tempted to decisively neutralize this threat preemptively. The problem, for Israel, is this: what happens if a preemptive attack fails, meaning, Israel comes under even heavier rocket attack than it did in 2006 and that Hezbollah survives an even more brutal onslaught than it suffered in that war? In such an outcome, the idea of subsequent military action against Iran becomes even more implausible than it already is.

Why I support the Olympia Co-op boycott

Dear friends,

The Olympia Food Co-op boycott of Israeli products (except for fair trade olive oil) has generated much controversy and emotion. I do pray for healing and understanding among those who support and those who oppose such a boycott in the community of Olympia, Washington and around the world. All of us must stand together and mourn the loss of life generated by this conflict. May their memories be a blessing.

The Food Co-op and many concerned citizens around the world have asked the question: How do we transform the Israeli-Palestinian conflict through the use of nonviolence? What is meaningful action?

While negotiations, lobbying and dialogue occur, those who have been directly impacted by occupation, the Palestinians, have called upon the world to engage in meaningful nonviolent action to apply pressure upon Israel so that Israel cannot conduct the business of occupation as usual. Have we all not seen and read about life in Palestine under occupation? The Goldstone report, B'tselem, Gisha and many other organizations and individuals have documented the systematic violation of Palestinian human rights in the past several years. How do we both construct peace and engage in non-cooperation with policies that systematically violate human rights on a daily basis?

Boycott is a time honored method which was the catalyst that ended legal segregation in the United States. Boycott is the primary tool of those engaged in nonviolent resistance to systematic injustice. Boycott targets unjust policies. It is not about 'the right to exist'; Everyone has the right to 'exist'. Rather, boycott is a tool that focuses on the right to live a life free from a policy of land seizure, internal transfer, administrative detention and other forms of violent and harmful actions levied against people who do not want to give up their land.

I want to explain my personal reasons for supporting the decision of the Co-op not to limit their boycott to the West Bank. I believe that the articulation of a position that there is a line that separates products 'made in the West Bank' and those 'made in Israel' is difficult to stand by if you look deeply at the issue.

1) The mechanics of occupation is not limited to the West Bank. I'm sure you've all heard about the 300 bedouin Palestinians made homeless two days ago, in the Negev settlement known as al-Araqib, homes destroyed by the way with a Caterpillar bulldozer flying an Israeli flag. This is an ongoing reality of Palestinian life under occupation, that is, the loss of land. Now, almost 80% of of West Bank land is considered Israeli State land. Palestinian families are continually being driven from their homes.

Furthermore, Israel inside the green line is the agency of occupation and conducts, plans, prepares and executes aspects of the occupation from inside the green line.

2) Israel prevents Palestinian exports from reaching their destination all the time. Trying to sell West Bank products in Israel or abroad is a seriously challenging issue. Bottles are smashed, fruit is left to rot, clothes are ruined. This happens in the intersection of borders. Palestinians and their products have no right to any border passage. All movement of people and goods is controlled by Israel.

3) Lest we forget Gaza and the closure. 60% of Gazans suffer food insecurity. That is truly a stunning number. 90% of the products sold in Gaza come from Israel. Why? No manufacture is allowed in Gaza due to shortages of materials. Farmers are shoot dead in their fields all the time. Fisherman are prevented from fishing. The closure has not been lifted. Hence, the application of boycott until such time as the borders are open and people and goods can come and go according to international standards of passage.

4) While I believe we must be understanding, compassionate, gracious and clear in the use of our language when engaging with those who do not support nonviolent means of conflict transformation such as boycott, BDS is really about focusing on Israel's occupation of Palestinian towns, villages and farm land including East Jerusalem, the Negev, the Galilee, Ramlah, Jaffo, Lod, Nazereth, Acco and the West Bank. The BDS movement has been very clear about including Palestinians living inside Israel as part of the educational effort around human rights issues facing the Palestinian community inside the green line.

5) All use of anti-Semitic language or rhetoric, or the slandering of others as anti-Semites or self-hating Jews must be opposed. Our common ground, support of those who suffer indignities, should be the focus.

Supporters of boycott are asking people to shift loyalties from partisan support of one side or the other to positions based on universal standards of human rights. Those who support boycott are creating a broad based multifaith and multicultural coalition that crosses boundaries and unites people based on what kinds of behavior should not be tolerated by nation states according to principles of international law.

My own activism includes standards of food justice based on access and human rights in the United States as well as other countries. I do not buy a range of products based on human rights standards. The Food Co-op shares this ethic. Fair Trade standards underlay their decision.

My support for the Olympia Food Co-op is for these reasons. Groups that are limiting their boycott to 'Israeli settlement products', or to corporations that profit from occupation (such as the JVP campaign) can still reach out in support of those who have taken a broader stance. This is a movement issue.

Finally, there is the matter of Rachel Corrie. Like Rachel, those who decided to boycott Israeli products have taken a meaningful action that supports their desire to end occupation. They are moved to action from on the ground experiences. As a forty year veteran of this issue, I, too have witnessed what is happening on the ground and I am moved to be part of the effort to change Israeli policy. I do this from a love of people. I believe that Jewish tradition stands with me. Not profiting or benefiting from the fruits of violence is a central tenet of a life committed to nonviolence. Since the Jewish state is acting in my name, I am forced to withdraw support for Israeli food products until the closure is lifted, the policy of land seizure ends and negotiations are taken up in a meaningful way. This does not mean I am cutting off my relationships to the people I love on both sides. May all efforts to construct peace continue. Meaningful nonviolent resistance to injustice is part of the equation.

The Food Co-op community went beyond endless discussions of exactly how one should act to resolve conflict, and they acted. Whether people agree or disagree with the particulars of any given action, at least support the courage of people who are willing to act in behalf of those who are suffering on a daily basis. May the process of reparative justice truly begin.

L'shalom,
Lynn Gottlieb

Serious Problems with a “One-State” Solution



A few loud and passionate voices now call for a “one state solution” to the conflict in Palestine/Israel. Those holding this position are a distinct minority. I don’t doubt their sincere desire for peace and justice, yet I believe their logic is deeply flawed and that their stance seriously threatens to derail the work of other pro-peace activists. With full respect for their concern about this issue, I see major and (and to my mind) insurmountable problems with a one-state solution.

First, at no time in my 8 years in the Middle East did any Palestinian (or any other Arab, or any Muslim) ever mention, let alone promote a one-state solution. To my knowledge, neither does any major Palestinian political party. I believe we should support Palestinians in their legitimate quest for justice, not try to dictate a particular strategy or solution to them.  To try to dictate the kind of settlement they should accept smacks of the worst kind of imperial arrogance. Haven’t the Palestinians suffered enough from solutions imposed on them by foreign sources? I don’t question the absolute right of Palestinians to promote any kind of peace agreement they like. But it is quite different for non-Palestinians (who never really have to suffer directly if their approach proves to be wrong) to ignore the mainstream Palestinianposition and to promote a solution that a majority of Palestinians don’t currently support, but would have to live with.

Second, if Palestinians are denied a viable second state we will all have to deal with the serious problems surrounding a one-state solution anyway. Why urge Palestinians to rush to their only fallback position just when the tide seems to be finally turning in favor of their getting a real two-state solution? At this point, for Americans to urge a one-state solution on Palestinians is hardly the kind of support they need.

The third point is strategic, but it touches on a very real problem: US pressure on Israel is widely accepted to be a crucial element of any peace agreement. American policy helped create the problem and has made it worse over the years. Only a real change in US policy (away from Israel and towards justice for Palestinians) has a credible chance of correcting those tragic mistakes. Yet, in the US, the Israeli propaganda machine has always had an overwhelming advantage over those who have tried to provide an accurate account of the conflict. A serious push for a one-state solution(even as Israel inevitably says, “No thanks. Too late!”), will simply hand a total victory to Israeli propagandists in the US. Their spin machine will inevitably make the following egregious points:

See! We were right all along! All the violence in resisting Israel up to this point was gratuitous and unnecessary! The Palestinian desire to live under an Israeli tent is PROOF that Arabs prefer Israeli governance to that of their own leaders. It proves the incompetence and retrograde nature of Arab leadership. Indeed, the only reasonable conclusion is that all the violence up to now simply proves that Arabs are violent, unstable, and unpredictable by nature. Their desire to become part of one state NOW is a stamp of approval on the whole Zionist project and clearly demonstrates the legitimacy of the Israeli state. (And by the way, sorry, but we don’t want to rule such people).

In the context of this kind of fallacious, ugly, stereotypical (and yet almost inevitable) line of argument, all the real sacrifices made by the Palestinian people so far will be demeaned, misrepresented, trivialized and even reviled as the folly of regressive minds. No one should doubt the ability of the Zionist PR machine to put this kind of false and self-serving message across. They have made Americans buy into much more absurd arguments before. The result will be a strengthening of the false belief among Americans that you should never trust an Arab, and that you should always let the Zionists call the shots. Haven’t we all suffered enough from these grossly misguided notions? Palestinians have always been behind in the PR battle: adopting a one-state solution would be the final nail in the coffin.

On a practical level too, arguing for a one-state solution at this time—when all the major players except Israel’s current government* have finally come out in support of a two-state solution— will likely lead to total confusion among American activists.   In particular, what do we tell people to do? Should we encourage people to write letters to the US Congress urging them to ask Israel to annex the occupied territories?  Why mention international law between states if you believe it’s all one state? Why protest the building of settlements if it is all going to be one state? All the pertinent UN resolutions up to now, and all other international law between states, become meaningless in the context of a one-state solution. And why boycott Israeli companies when Palestinian workers will suffer the most. And so on, and on, and on...

Further, a one-state solution would make the treatment of Palestinians an internal Israeli state security matter.  The brutal, totally unfair treatment of Palestinians which has been the norm for Israeli-Arabs (i.e. Palestinians within Israel), as well as Palestinians under occupation, will merely become a domestic issue in Israel. Given how little attention Americans have given to Israel’s gross violations of international law the details of Israeli domestic law will likely become a total non-issue in the US. In light of American attitudes toward security issues in a post 9/11 world, where is our already severely limited leverage as peace activists then? Israel’s construction of the separation wall will fade from being the outrageous act it really is, into being merely part of a huge Israeli investment in making itself a giant “gated community”—something that is taken for granted as “natural” in the US.

Fifth, If there is little support for a one state solution among Palestinians, there is even less among Israelis.  Israel is far less likely to accept Palestinians into Israel as true equals than it is to accept a real two-state solution. Zionism is, and always has been, about the misguided dream of an exclusively JEWISH state.  The British white paper of 1939 was a one-state solution—Zionists rejected it out of hand and responded with the terror campaign of the Stern Gang and Irgun. When Israel began its ethnic cleansing of Palestine in 1947, Palestinians called for reconsideration of the one state option that had been promoted by the minority report of the UN partition commission. But Israel wasn’t interested. The reason is simple: the JEWISHNESS of the state of Israel is the whole point of its existence. That is why Zionists have always treated the issue of the return of Palestinian refugees not as the simple justice enshrined in international law that it truly is, but as a sneaky way to destroy Israel.  A one-state solution (with true equality for Palestinians) will never be accepted by the Zionists who control Israel unless the whole mindset behind Zionism magically disappears. If that happened, of course, well, there wouldn’t be any problem at all anyway.

Finally, in a very real sense, we already can see what a one-state solution would look like if the Zionist mindset is left intact—it is simply the existing reality of occupation that we decry everyday: the continued theft

of Palestinian land by means of house confiscation and demolition, zoning ordinances, discriminatory laws, etc. etc. Will we have more ability to change this sickening reality if it becomes enshrined in a formal one-state solution? How long will it take to bring true equality to such a state? Is it right for American activists to promote this kind of change in Palestinian policy at this point? I don’t think so.

Advocates of a one-state solution often link their approach to the independence movement in India and to the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa. These comparisons are misleading. In both cases the oppressed were huge majorities. Palestinians in Israel are not a majority and will not be big majority even if the occupied territories were annexed.  In a one state solution (inevitably dominated by Israel) there is no reason to think Israel will refrain from deporting enough Palestinians to reduce them to a minority. To advocate a one-state solution at this point is almost like telling Black South Africans, on the cusp of their victory in the early 1990’s, to go back to 1950 and start suffering all over again. I, for one, can’t and won’t do that. Not unless I see a clear majority of Palestinian people vocally advocating that kind of radical shift in strategy.

Fundamentally, the one-state solution argument has the cart before the horse—it is predicated on the notion that we (or the Palestinian people) can somehow break the stranglehold of Zionism by simply ignoring its existence, or enforce the fair treatment of Palestinians in a Zionist controlled Jewish state, before creating better mutual understanding between Palestinians and Israelis and without deconstructing the basically expansionist and imperialist nature of Zionism itself. It is predicated on the existence of some mysterious outside force that will bring millions of Palestinians under Israeli rule and at the same time magically transform the quality of that rule. I can't see what that force might be.  I’m sorry to say this, but so far it certainly hasn’t been us American activists.

To my mind promoting better understanding of the Palestinian situation, of the grotesque misrepresentations that shape current attitudes towards the conflict in the US, and of the simple historical and moral realities surrounding this situation, are all parallel ways of getting Americans (and eventually Israelis) to acknowledge the rights and wrongs of this conflict. Only when those issues are squarely confronted will all parties be able to see each other as equals and to address their other problems in the light of their shared humanity. And only when that starts to happen will true equality have a chance to become established in law and behavior. At present, strong pressure on American politicians and the wide implementation of a Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions strategy are the most effective ways that Americans can move Israel to make the real changes in policy needed to achieve real peace.

To sum up then, promoting a one-state solution at this point in the struggle doesn't really reflect the views and aspirations of most Palestinians. It will likely lead to total confusion and paralysis in the crucial American peace camp.  It doesn’t open the way to a workable strategy that Americans activists can immediately promote; and (realistically) a single state where Palestinians (Christian, Muslim, or Druze) and Jewish Israelis are truly equal isn’t something that Zionists would ever consider. For Zionists such a state would mean repudiating their entire program. We are much more likely to get a clean two-state solution on the basis of UN 242 and 194 than a sudden abandonment of the Zionist dream or an Israeli state that sincerely embraces their much abused Palestinian cousins.

For these reasons, few things can harm the Palestine cause more deeply than for American activists to publicly advocate a one-state solution at this time.   

That said, I believe that Palestinians can promote any discussion among themselves that they like. I recently read Ali-Abunimah’s One Country: A Bold Proposal to End the Israeli-Palestinian Impasse.  It is filled with valuable historical detail and insight that peace activists engaged in the Palestine/Israel conflict should know. The author’s good intentions and flexibility are obvious and he provides interesting accounts of how ethnic difference has been successfully addressed in various other countries. Unfortunately, he does all these things instead of effectively and realistically addressing the basic issues I have raised.

Ali Abunimah honestly notes that a one state solution is “not advocated by any senior Palestinian leader.” Until it is, I suggest that the one state solution option be discussed by Palestinians in private—not blindly promoted by Americans who don’t fully grasp what it entails. Ali Abunimah also admits that “a successful strategy for democratic transformation in Israel/Palestine will in part require Palestinians to present a vision that meets the concerns of ordinary Israeli Jews...”(p 161) This is quite true, but a few pages later, he also observes that “any serious argument for an Israeli-Palestinian democracy in a single state must confront the reality that, at present, Israeli Jews overall are deeply hostile to the idea, viewing it as an invitation to commit suicide.” These two realities just can’t be reconciled in the present circumstances. Finally, he describes changing this attitude as a “long and difficult process may not happen for years.” (171). In other words, his plan sounds like a prescription for a very long delay—and every day the seizure of land and the oppression of Palestinians goes on.

Sadly, Ali Abunimah simply fails to realistically address how these crucial gaps can be bridged. Without this kind of detailed explanation, his plan is merely wishful thinking. In fact, One Country doesn’t fundamentally address a single one of the real concerns I have detailed here. I say that with regret, for I went to his book for answers. Still, just because he is Palestinian, doesn’t mean I have to totally suspend my critical faculties to be supportive.

Let’s be realistic. It took the PLO until 1988 to formally except a two state solution. They signaled willingness to negotiate along two-state lines as early as 1974. Fourteen years were lost as Israel continued to settle in occupied territory. More were lost during Oslo.  Since then more and more people have become convinced that a two state solution is the only viable way to secure a just and comprehensive peace. The key now is to generate enough pressure to get a REAL Palestinian state—an autonomous and contiguous state on 1967 borders—without any more delays, territorial concessions, conditions or reneging on UN resolutions being inflicted on the Palestinians who have already conceded 78% of their land. Promoting a one state solution that no one involved is really ready for is a big league distraction. The kind of delay involved in trying to promote a one state solution is a gift to those who would like to have a perpetual “peace process” that never results in the concessions needed to bring real peace.

* As his policies prove this every day, Netanyahu’s stated “support” for a real two state solution is hardly sincere.

Israel intensifies West Bank Palestinian home demolitions


Please see below for today's web-piece:
http://www.amnesty.org/en/news-and-updates/israel-intensifies-west-bank-palestinian-home-demolitions-2010-07-21

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21 July 2010

Amnesty International has today called on the Israeli authorities to stop the demolition of Palestinian homes and other buildings in the West Bank, after a further 74 were destroyed in the Jordan Valley earlier this week.

The demolitions were carried out by the Israeli military in the villages of Hmayyir and 'Ein Ghazal in the area of al-Farisiya on Monday, displacing 107 people, including 52 children.

According to UN figures, at least 198 Palestinian structures in the West Bank have been demolished this year, resulting in the forced displacement of almost 300 Palestinians, half of them children, while 600 others have also been affected.

"These recent demolitions intensify concerns that this is part of a government strategy to remove the Palestinian population from the parts of the West Bank known as Area C, over which Israel has complete control in terms of planning and construction," said Philip Luther, Amnesty International's Deputy Director for the Middle East and North Africa.

Among the property destroyed by the Israeli military on Monday were residential tents, separate kitchens and washrooms, agricultural buildings, and animal pens.

The army also damaged water tanks, wheat for human consumption and animal fodder.

The demolition came three weeks after the military handed out eviction orders in the village. Residents were told they had 24 hours to leave the area.

Unlike many other areas of the Jordan Valley, the communities of Hmayyir and 'Ein Ghazal had not experienced demolitions in the past.

According to Palestinian and Israeli media reports the Israeli military authority said the evictions were ordered because the homes are in a "closed military zone".

Most of the Jordan Valley area of the occupied West Bank has been declared a "closed military zone" by the Israeli army or has been taken over by some 36 Israeli settlements.

In a "closed military zone" Palestinians are forbidden from carrying out building construction and development.

On 24 June, the Israeli military also served eviction notices on two families - 15 people including five children - in the village of 'Ein al-Hilwe in the northern Jordan Valley and on a building for housing livestock in the nearby village of 'Ein al-Beida. Both villages are in Area C.

The buildings have not yet been demolished.

On 15 July, two buildings situated in a part of Area C southwest of Hebron in the West Bank were destroyed.

According to a report in the Israeli newspaper Ha'aretz on 19 July, the Israeli military authorities in the West Bank are acting on government orders to intensify its enforcement against what they deem to be "illegal" building in Area C.

Under the Oslo Accords, the Israeli authorities retain both civil and military control over areas designated as Area C, which make up more than 60 per cent of the West Bank.

The estimated 150,000 Palestinians living there face severe restrictions on building and also on their freedom of movement.

There are no Palestinian representatives on the planning institutions for Area C and, moreover, Palestinian residents in these areas have only very limited ability to submit objections to eviction and demolition.

"The current system whereby the Israeli military has sole responsibility for what Palestinians can or cannot build in the majority of the occupied West Bank is unacceptable," said Philip Luther. “Planning and building decisions should lie with the local Palestinian communities.”


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Sign Jewish Voice for Peace petition asking TIAA-CREF to divest from Israel's occupation!


Please sign JVP's petition asking TIAA-CREF, one of the largest financial services in the United States, to divest from the Israeli Occupation. Will you join me? You can sign here: www.jewishvoiceforpeace.org .

TIAA-CREF invests in companies such as, CATERPILLAR, which profits from the destruction of Palestinian homes and the uprooting of Palestinian orchards; and VEOLIA, which profits from the construction and expansion of illegal Jewish-only settlements in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem.

This has got to stop.

Please help me convince TIAA-CREF to do the right thing. Join me in signing this petition: www.jewishvoiceforpeace.org

Thanks!


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