West Point was the first United States military post built after the Declaration of Independence. It had been designed and constructed by Tadeusz Kosciuszko, republican visionary, hero of the American Revolution and the 1794 Polish Uprising, and one of the greatest liberation figures in modern history. Kosciuszko believed and fought for a vision of an America emancipated from foreign rule, an America of both individual and collective liberty, a country that only waged wars of self-defence, and never wars of aggression and occupation. He was one of the founders of a great American tradition, the practice of hope and audacity in the struggle for freedom.
That practice was contesting a tradition of colonisation, slavery
and empire - indeed, in appreciation of his contribution at West Point,
Kosciuszko's commanding officer gave him the gift of a slave.
Kosciuszclo immediately freed him, stating that all forms of slavery
must be resisted, and that, in the contest for the soul of the
republic, the side of liberation must always be chosen. To this very
day, the American republic is constantly shaped by this ongoing battle
between the tradition of cynicism and that of hope, one of conservative
reaction versus progressive values and freedom.
George Bush, as we know, does not come from that rich and valiant
tradition, of which Kosciuscko was part, and which is so vibrant in the
American body politic of today. When it came to Palestine, George Bush
chose his side from the moment he took office, and has confirmed his
position at every opportunity over the last seven years - and there
have been many. Under his presidency, the possibilities for peace have
nosedived spectacularly into a downward and violent spiral of
increasing conflict and conquest. Israeli expansion and aggression was
actively encouraged and supported by the neo-conservatives in his
administration, and every opportunity for progress towards peace
derailed.
In Israeli hallways yesterday, Bush was celebrated as the unwavering supporter of Israel's expansionist policies that he truly is, as he pressed ahead with a public relations campaign that began at Annapolis - talking future statehood for the Palestinians in theory, but backing occupation policies in practice - standing by as Olmert spoke of increasing settlements in illegally annexed Arab East Jerusalem. For the massive construction of Israeli settlements on expropriated Palestinian land over the last few years - illegal under international law and condemned by almost every country in the world - is only made possible by uncritical American financial, military and diplomatic support for Israel.
The accelerated illegal settlements activity that kills all hope for
progress is not taking place in spite of President Bush's role in the
Middle East, but is, obviously, directly connected to it: he will do
nothing to stop it. At the press conference in Ramallah, Bush categorically dismissed
United Nations resolutions on settlements: "The UN deal didn't work in
the past ... this is an opportunity to move forward and negotiate a new
deal ... We can stay stuck in the past, which will yield nothing good
for the Palestinian people or we can chart a hopeful path for the
future."
Palestine's future is intimately tied up with America's, and
Palestinian freedom is connected to a particular tradition of American
freedom that is based on justice and equality, and on the universality
of human rights. So when Palestinians today express despair about the
present administration's commitment to their freedom, it does not mean
they are despairing about the desire for a better future, or that they
are not committed to peace, or that they do not possess the capacity of
hope. It simply means they have a more realistic and pragmatic
appreciation of their current predicament than those who insist that
Palestinians should draw their hope from Bush's deadly rhetoric.