Israeli settlers hit back against Palestinians after army demolishes their West Bank homes

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Written by Harriet Sherwood in Jerusalem Harriet Sherwood in Jerusalem

Published: 01 March 2011 01 March 2011

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Call for a 'day of rage' as hardliners attack Palestinian villages and block roads in Jerusalem

Palestinian-israeli-settlers-attack A Palestinian woman displays a burnt mattress and other damage allegedly caused by Jewish settlers after a petrol bomb was thrown into her house in the West Bank village of Hiwwara near Nablus. Photograph: Abed Omar Qusini/Reuters

Hardline Israeli settlers have called for a "day of rage" on Thursday in protest at the army's demolition of an outpost in the West Bank. Settlers also launched attacks on Palestinian villages and blocked main roads in Jerusalem.

Havat Gilad, a hilltop settlement near Nablus built without government authorisation, was destroyed early on Monday, sparking clashes between activists and soldiers, in which the army fired rubber bullets and teargas canisters. The outpost's occupants vowed to rebuild the settlement.

Later, hardline settlers burned tyres and blocked roads in Jerusalem and smashed the windscreens of Palestinian cars in the West Bank. Homes and cars in two Palestinian villages were attacked on Tuesday in what settlers described as "price tag" action in retaliation for Israeli government measures against settlements.

Flyers calling for further action on Thursday were distributed. They urged a "day of rage following the pogrom on Havat Gilad and the ongoing destruction on the hilltops … no more silence".

Demolition of the outpost follows international pressure on the Israeli government to curb settlement building, to encourage a resumption of peace talks with the Palestinians. A UN security council resolution condemning settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem won the support of 14 out of 15 countries, including the UK. The US used its veto for the first time under President Barack Obama to block the resolution.

The Israeli government decided this week to dismantle all unauthorised outposts built on privately-owned Palestinian land, in a move which is likely to spark further clashes. However, it will simultaneously begin moves to make official unauthorised outposts built on West Bank land under Israeli control. All settlements in occupied territory are illegal under international law.

An Israeli soldier who lives at the Havat Gilad outpost held a press conference in Jerusalem to say that he would not return to military duty. "The [Israeli Defence Forces] sent troops to destroy my home and to shoot at my friends," he said. "I do not intend to return to the army until I finish rebuilding the ruins." The IDF said it viewed his actions as grave.

Cement 4 Gaza

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Written by Tahrir4Gaza Tahrir4Gaza

Published: 01 March 2011 01 March 2011

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We’re ask­ing you to buy a bag (or more) of cement for us to take in to Gaza on the march. Your bag will not only be a gift to the home­less in Gaza it will also be a mate­r­ial sym­bol of your sol­i­dar­ity with the peo­ple all around the globe opposed to the siege.

The lack of build­ing mate­ri­als due to the crip­pling siege means that many in Gaza are liv­ing home­less or in unsafe build­ings and the events in Egypt have made things even worse…

Since the prob­lems started in Egypt, the prices of cement and gravel have dou­bled — one ton of cement cost US$140 last week. Today, I bought a ton for $296,” said Ashraf Al Aloul, a dri­ver for an inter­na­tional NGO, one of thou­sands of Gazans in the process of build­ing a home. —IRIN News

Ulti­mately we want the unhin­dered sup­ply of con­struc­tion mate­ri­als through Rafah but your donated bags are a sym­bolic defi­ance of the block­ade and will be given to home­less or res­i­dents of dam­aged houses to help rebuild homes.

Folk music legend Pete Seeger endorses boycott of Israel

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Written by Adalah-NY and ICAHD Adalah-NY and ICAHD

Published: 28 February 2011 28 February 2011

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Adalah-NY: The New York Campaign for the Boycott of Israel &
The Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD)

Pete Seeger endorses the boycott of Israel (pictured with ICAHD's Jeff Halper)


Folk music legend Pete Seeger
endorses boycott of Israel

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Folk music legend Pete Seeger has come out in support of the growing Palestinian movement for Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) against Israel as a program for justice for Palestinians and a route to peace in the Middle East.

Seeger, 92, participated in last November's online virtual rally "With Earth and Each Other," sponsored by the Arava Institute, an Israeli environmental organization, and by the Friends of the Arava Institute. The Arava Institute counts among its close partners and major funders the Jewish National Fund, responsible since 1901 for securing land in Palestine for the use of Jews only while dispossessing Palestinians. Although groups in the worldwide BDS movement had requested that he quit the event, Seeger felt that he could make a strong statement for peace and justice during the event.

During a January meeting at his Beacon, NY, home with representatives from the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD) and Adalah-NY, Pete Seeger explained, "I appeared on that virtual rally because for many years I've felt that people should talk with people they disagree with. But it ended up looking like I supported the Jewish National Fund. I misunderstood the leaders of the Arava Institute because I didn't realize to what degree the Jewish National Fund was supporting Arava. Now that I know more, I support the BDS movement as much as I can."

Jeff Halper, the Coordinator of ICAHD, added, "Pete did extensive research on this. He read historical and current material and spoke to neighbors, friends, and three rabbis before making his decision to support the boycott movement against Israel." Seeger has for some time given some of the royalties from his famous Bible-based song from the 1960s, "Turn, Turn, Turn," to ICAHD for their work in rebuilding demolished homes and exposing Israel's practice of pushing Palestinians in Israel off their land in favor of the development of Jewish villages and cities.

The November virtual rally "With Earth and Each Other" was billed as an apolitical effort to bring Israelis and Palestinians together to work for the environment. Dave Lippman from Adalah-NY noted, "Arava's online event obfuscated basic facts about Israel's occupation and systematic seizure of land and water from Palestinians. Arava's partner and funder, the JNF, is notorious for planting forests to hide Palestinian villages demolished by Israel in order to seize land. Arava was revealed as a sterling practitioner of Israeli government efforts to 'Rebrand Israel' through greenwashing and the arts."

Currently, the JNF is supporting an Israeli government effort to demolish the Bedouin village of Al-Araqib in order to plant trees from the JNF that were paid for by the international evangelical group GOD-TV. The Friends of the Arava Institute's new board chair recently published an op-ed in the Jerusalem Post that only cautiously questions some activities of the JNF, an organization whose very raison-d'etre is to take over land for Jews at the expense of the Palestinian Arab population.

Pete Seeger's long-time colleague Theodore Bikel, an Israeli-American known for his life-long involvement with Israeli culture, recently supported the Israeli artists who have refused to perform in a new concert hall in Ariel, a large illegal Israeli settlement in the West Bank.
Seeger joins a growing roster of international performers who have declined to whitewash, greenwash, or in any way enable Israel's colonial project, including Elvis Costello, Gil Scott-Heron, Roger Waters, Devendra Banhart, and the Pixies.

Two-state solution: A postmortem

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Written by Sandy Tolan, author of The Lemon Tree: An Arab, a Jew, and the Heart of the Middle East Sandy Tolan, author of The Lemon Tree: An Arab, a Jew, and the Heart of the Middle East

Published: 28 February 2011 28 February 2011

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Two-state solution: A postmortem
In the wake of the Palestine Papers and the Egyptian uprising the 'peace process' as we know it is dead.
Sandy Tolan



Among the time-honoured myths in the long tragedy of Israel and Palestine is "the deal that almost was". The latest entry, what we might call the "near deal of 2008," comes from Ehud Olmert, the former Israeli prime minister, chronicled in excerpts from his forthcoming memoir and feverishly promoted in The New York Times as "the Israel peace plan that almost was and still could be".

Clearly, the dwindling number of promoters of the two-state solution are in a post-Cairo, post-Palestine Papers attempt to keep afloat what is, in the end, a sinking ship: A bad deal that even the weak Palestinian negotiating team would not accept. "Israel has an overwhelming interest in going the extra mile," a nervous Thomas Friedman wrote as protestors filled Tahrir Square, warning: "There is a huge storm coming, Israel. Get out of the way."

At the heart of the effort to salvage the busted remnants of Oslo is the "near deal of 2008".  "We were very close, more than ever before," Olmert writes in his memoirs.

But as they say in a famous TV ad in the US: "Not exactly."

Old myths die hard

Like other such fictions - chief among them "Israel's generous offer" at Camp David in 2000 - this one is not entirely without substance. As the Palestine Papers show, the two sides did agree on various security arrangements, land swaps and some principles of the right of return, much to the alarm of many Palestinians. Just as significantly, Palestinian negotiators agreed to allow Israel to annex major settlement blocs in East Jerusalem - a fact that, in the wake of the document dump, is eroding what is left of Abbas' credibility among his own people. (As if to underscore that point, chief negotiator Saeb Erekat resigned last week in disgrace, after revelations that the Palestine Papers were leaked from his very own office.)

Yet despite the 2008 concessions, the documents also show that the negotiations did not bring the sides close to a deal. Rather, they revealed red lines that signal the end of the peace process as we know it, and - especially after Cairo - the death of the two-state solution. Nowhere is this more clear than in the discussions over two huge settlement blocs, where Israel, backed by an arm-twisting US, undermined its last chance for a two-state deal.

In 1993, at the beginning of the Oslo "peace process," 109,000 Israeli settlers lived on West Bank Palestinian land, not including East Jerusalem. That number has now nearly tripled. One of the settlements, Ariel, juts well into the West Bank, nearly half the way to Jordan from the Mediterranean coast, and is protected by Israel's separation barrier. Ariel, with nearly 20,000 people, promotes itself as the aspiring "capital of Samaria" with its own industrial park and even a university.

"There is no Israeli leader who will sign an agreement that does not include Ariel," Tzipi Livni, Olmert's foreign minister, told Palestinian negotiators in April 2008.

"And there is no Palestinian leader who will sign an agreement that includes Ariel," negotiator Ahmad Qurei replied. Qurei was not just posturing. Ariel bifurcates the Palestinian district of Salfit and helps make a mockery of US diplomats' stated goal of a "viable and contiguous" Palestinian state.

Another red line is Ma'ale Adumim. Despite the significant concessions in East Jerusalem - which Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erekat said amounted to "the biggest Yerushalayim in Jewish history" - the Palestinians see Ma'ale Adumim as a wedge between East Jerusalem and the West Bank. For them, the settlement is another barrier to a contiguous land base on which to build their state. For Israelis, Ma'ale Adumim, founded with the support of then defence minister Shimon Peres in 1975 and now a "city" of more than 34,000 settlers, is untouchable.

In theory, the self-described "honest broker," the US, could have tried to bridge the differences. But that is not what Condoleezza Rice, the then US secretary of state, had in mind when she leaned on the weak Palestinian delegation in a July 2008 meeting in Jerusalem:

"I don’t think that any Israeli leader is going to cede Ma'ale Adumim," she told Qurei.

"Or any Palestinian leader," Qurei replied.

"Then you won’t have a state!" Rice declared.

On the wrong side of history

The US has long been hypersensitive to Israeli domestic political considerations while ignoring those of the Palestinians and the broader Arab and Muslim worlds. In 2000, Yasser Arafat turned down Israel's "generous offer," refusing to agree to a "sovereign presidential compound" in the Old City - essentially, a golden cage near the Muslim holy sites. Arafat understood that neither Palestinians nor Muslims worldwide would agree to such limited Palestinian sovereignty over the Haram Al Sharif, considered the third holiest site in Islam. "If anyone imagines that I might sign away Jerusalem, he is mistaken," Arafat told Bill Clinton, the then US president, at Camp David. "You have lost many chances," Clinton responded. "You won't have a Palestinian state .... You will be alone in the region."

The US' tone-deaf approach to Palestinian realities is a central reason for the failure of the "peace process". Rice suggested in a June 2008 meeting that one way to help solve the entrenched and emotional issue of right of return would be to ship refugees to South America. Barack Obama's team has not fared much better. In 2009, the US pressured the Palestinians to stall the release of the UN's Goldstone Report calling for an investigation into Israeli war crimes in Gaza. This was precisely the opposite of what the Palestinian public fervently wanted. The US carrot: More favourable negotiating terms for the Palestinian Authority (PA).

But the US, so accustomed to dealing with Arab strongmen like Egypt's Hosni Mubarak and Tunisia's Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, seems to have forgotten that the weak Palestinian negotiators were in no position to ignore, much less dictate to, their people. Any peace deal would have been put to a referendum among politically-aware Palestinians in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. A deal as unfavourable as that the US and Israel promoted in 2008 would have been far from a sure thing. Olmert recalls telling Abbas: "Take the pen and sign now. You'll never get an offer that is more fair or more just." But it was the Israelis, and the US, who missed their chance.

In the days just before Egyptians liberated themselves, Obama tried to shore up some of the US credibility squandered since his 2009 Cairo speech by supporting the calls for democracy. But for many Palestinians, US or PA credibility is no longer relevant. In the West Bank, people regard US pronouncements with sharply declining interest. And it was the PA, in the midst of the euphoric struggle of its neighbours, that placed itself firmly on the wrong side of history by banning demonstrations in solidarity with the Egyptian and Tunisian people. "The policy," said a PA security spokesman "is non-interference in the internal affairs of Arab or foreign countries."

You could not find a more apt symbol of a corroded and irrelevant Palestinian regime, shockingly out of touch with its people and the jubilation in Tahrir Square, and structurally unable to seize the moment. Now, with the PA's negotiations team in disarray, it is hard to imagine Palestinians in the West Bank again putting their trust in the "authority," or in the wreckage of an Oslo process tied to a Middle Eastern order that no longer exists.

Even in their last-ditch attempts to forge a two-state deal, beleaguered Palestinian negotiators seemed aware that it was slipping away. "In light of these circumstances and these unrealistic propositions," Qurei told Livni in frustration in April 2008, "I see that the only solution is a bi-national state where Muslims, Christians and Jews live together".

Sandy Tolan is an associate professor at the Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism at USC, and the author of The Lemon Tree: An Arab, a Jew, and the Heart of the Middle East.

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy.
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Al Jazeera